On February 10th The New School Economic Review celebrated its 10 year anniversary with talks by Professors Ben Fine (School of Oriental and African Studies) and Anwar Shaikh (The New School). Ben Fine spoke on the topic “Is Economics Fit for Purpose: An Ethical Conundrum” and Anwar Shaikh on the topic “Consumer and Production Behavior: From Micro to Macro Without Utility Function or Rational Choice“. Introductions were made by Dean Milberg and the NSER editors.
“Ideally, finance should propel an economy by helping create jobs and wealth for a broad portion of the population. But clearly, there’s a point when finance sucks too much oxygen out of the room, leaving the rest of us gasping for air.”
Does the growth of finance, or the acceleration of already gargantuan banks becoming even bigger, help the economy, or does it smother, suffocate, and drown it?
This intriguing article from Gretchen Morgensen of the New York Times explains the findings of a recent, compelling paper entitled “Why Does Financial Sector Growth Crowd Out Real Economic Growth?” from Stephen G. Cecchetti of Brandies University and Enisse Kharroubi of the B.I.S.
The gist of the paper is as such: Banks tend to lend the majority of their money to projects that have assets capable of being pledged as collateral, but the industries with such assets tend to be of the lesser-productive sort, leaving many promising research-and-development start-ups deficient in appropriate financial lending. So the likely-unproductive enterprises are afforded the bulk of banking assistance from the financial system while the likely-productive and innovative start-ups are left behind with no helping hand, which creates the capacity of the financial sector to perpetuate the growth of the unproductive while stagnating the productive.
A recent project done at The New School for Social Research based on the Congressional Budget Office study of income distribution shows that the rising income and wealth inequality is one the biggest problem in U.S. and will probably be one of the most critical political issues in the near future.
The project results show that the top 1% generate most of the household saving and hold substantial wealth, mostly from interest and dividends along with proprietors’ incomes (i.e. lawyers’ fees and big farmers’ subsidies and sales) and equity. In the last decade, this group earned an average of more than $2 million per year.
The middle class mean income is around $160,000; their main source of income being labor compassion (approximately 70% of their total income). Although these households have positive saving rates, there’s a significant income disparity between this group’s income and that of 1%, the latter being ten-fold higher.
The unfortunate bottom households are highly dependent on labor income with a mean level of income $55,000 per year. Data show that this group’s saving rate is negative and after the recession a two third of their income came from transfers.
An income comparison on these three income groups is shown in Palma ratios, which clearly shows a significant gap in income distribution. Income and wealth inequality pose a serious threat to the economic growth and stability and demand for new thinking and reformation of the U.S. Tax system ensuring that everyone is contributing their fare share.
In this 1995 interview, Jaroslav Vanek, leading authority on and advocate of labor-managed firms (i.e. worker cooperatives) and economic democracy, explains his influences, the basics of his theory and his outlooks for post-Soviet Russia and the US. For Vanek, worker-run cooperatives suggest a dialectical synthesis between non-private ownership of the means of production and democratic principles.
As Foley notes, the ideological tenets underlying capitalism are based on the notion that the market is a separate sphere detached from social relations. For Richard Wolff, this ends up in a justification of vertical authoritarian hierarchies in the workplace, which force the citizens of a liberal democracy to become mere passive subjects (that is, “free laborers” in the Marxian sense) precisely in the site where they expend the most (labor-)time in their lives.
The surrender of democracy in the workplace to the principle of the pursuit of profit is not only unethical, but also sets the virulent unstabilizing forces in motion that Marx already identified in his much celebrated treatise. Therefore, worker-run cooperatives, profit sharing, or collective decision-making in the workplace constitute alternative socio-economic practices to the core problem of private ownership of the means of production, but still without replacing the authoritarianism of the capitalist firm by a centralized state.
As soon as the battle between Greece and its creditors ended, with the two sides agreeing to a four-month extension of Greece’s financial bailout, the battle over who had won began.
Certainly, Eurozone negotiations, written in a technocratic language of “creative ambiguity”, are quite difficult to interpret, even among the very actors who sign the agreements. For Schäuble and most of the European establishment, “Greece had relented” and agreed to continue the pro-austerity, recessionary measures of the former government. For Draghi, significant divergences with the former agreement had emerged, which left important leeway to the Syriza cabinet to reverse recessionary austerity and were to be closely supervised. For Varoufakis, the Memorandum of Understanding and the troika were now dead: by ditching the draconian (according to Eichengreen) primary surplus target of 4.5% and being able to implement their own policies, Greece had finally recovered its sovereignty.
Last Friday the German Bundestag approved the 4-month extension. Hardliner Schäuble declared: “For all Greece’s sacrifices which I have always acknowledged, pensions, wages & living standards still higher than other € states“. For the southern European, such a bold statement can only be regarded as straightforward psychopathy: over 44 percent of the Greek population had an income below the poverty line in 2013 according to estimates by the Public Policy Analysis Group of the Athens University of Economics and Business (AUEB). Incidence of breast cancer among Greek women has skyrocketed: many of them cannot pay for any surgery so they are simply left with the tumor inside them to die in agony.
In the case of Spain, please watch the following video to note how “austerity” and “debt repayment” look like: last week in Madrid six riot police vans and a bulldozer appeared with no judge order and no notification in order to demolish the fifty-year-old home of three families, including elderly and children, which were to be left homeless in the street. Protesters tried to resist the eviction peacefully – which according to newly passed legislation can be considered an act of terrorism. The journalist who was recording the eviction was also arrested, since the legislation also bans recording police interventions.
Spaniards and Greeks have become privileged witnesses of the smooth functioning of the efficient market. It may not be a coincidence then that most of victims of evictions are diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder – just like in a situation of war.
Over at Naked Keynesianism, Matias Vernengo has compiled a list of resources to help you wrap your head around Sraffa – particularly his out of print book Production of Commodities by Means of Commodities. Vernengo’s resources take you through how Sraffa formalized his own labor theory of value, his critique of the Marshallian system, as well as his role in the Capital Controversy.
In protest of terrible medical care and sanitation, thousands of prisoners began a strike on Saturday, refusing to show up for breakfast or work. As the strike wore on, the prisoners – mostly undocumented immigrants being held on low-level offenses – converged on the recreation yard and set fire to three tents, rendering the for-profit detention facility more uninhabitable than it had been. This follows at least two other protest incidents at the facility in recent years, and for now it appears to be the last.
Paul Krugman presents yet another take-down of the skills gap argument in his all-too recent about-face on human capital theory. In particular, Krugman highlights the interplay between technological advancement and productivity as well as the apparent lack a relationship between education and wages.
Last Wednesday I had the opportunity to participate in a conversation on Al Jazeera to talk about the current massive wave of evictions in Spain, with Michele Ducher, a Spanish citizen under the threat of eviction, Santi Mas de Xaxàs, activist of the Plataforma de Afectados de la Hipoteca (PAH, Anti-Eviction Platform) and Sebastien Gay, real estate economist (University of Chicago). Since the outburst of the bubble in 2007, 500,000 evictions have taken place in Spain. Everyday families with children are kicked out of their homes and thrown to the streets by police in riot gear and left with no job, no shelter and a huge debt to be re-paid – since Spanish mortgage law allows banks to demand full re-payment of the debt (contracted at the height of the bubble) while seizing the home at a 40-50% discount. Psychologists have been diagnosing post-traumatic stress disorder to many evictees.
This is the full effect of austerity on Spanish society: foreign debt in 2011 was 284% of the GDP, of which only 67% was public. During the mis-management of the Euro-zone crisis, the debt burden was transferred to public hands through extensive bailouts of the financial system. Thus in Spain one has many banks that have been nationalized with taxpayers’ money evicting these very taxpayers from homes that, in fact, they now own. In economic jargon one would call this a “smooth and efficient cleaning of the balance sheets”, conveniently forgetting that housing is a human right according to the UN.
Why southern European political elites are inflicting such degree of economic pain in their populations may seem perplexing (for blatantly undemocratic) to the outsider – and even to many locals. However, one must understand that the current corrupt and clientelar regimes ruling in southern Europe are the historical outcomes of the logic of the Cold War, when Nazi collaborationists suddenly became the allies of the West while the fighters for democracy were totalitarian Communists to be despised, persecuted, exiled or ostracized. Following the Truman doctrine, the US and the UK would support the fascists in the Greek civil war and consented to the Greek military dictatorship of 1967-74. In Italy, the NATO would engage in stay-behind terror operations that killed 400 people in order to blame the left and prop up Andreotti’s corrupt Christian Democracy. In Spain, the staunchly anti-communist stance of the fascist regime would easily compensate for its ruthless crimes against humanity.
In Spain, the housing market was institutionally constructed by the reactionary Francoist regime as an effective tool to manufacture political consensus over a majorly red society. A professional class of constructors/developers was created ad hoc through generous subsidies of the state and would eventually integrate within the financial system (and the political regime) during the sixties. In 1957, José Luis de Arrese, fascist minister of Housing, stated: Queremos un país de propietarios, no de proletarios [We want a country of homeowners, not of proletarians]. After the transition to democracy, financialization would only replace the state with the market as a source of capital for constructors and developers.
In a financialized world, national elites compete at a global level to capture the volatile flows of international capital through a variety of laissez-faire policies: financial deregulation, inflation control, currency stability, trade liberalization, wage repression, privatization… In such an asset-price Keynesianism (Brenner), the spatial-temporal fix of capital (in Harvey’s words) allows political elites, the mediators of these inflows, to lead and rule a trickle-down gift economy, effectively postponing class conflict until an eventual crash. This was the case of Greece, Portugal and Italy -through public debt- and Spain and Ireland -through private debt. In other words, southern European political elites are among the most enthusiastic implementers of austerity because their actual power lies critically in their intermediation of the constant inflow of European money.
We’re very pleased to deliver to you our tenth anniversary seventh volume Past Present Future.
- Brandt Weathers Lucas Critique After the Crisis: A Historicization and Review of One Theory’s Eminence
- Ingrid Harvold Kvangraven and Collin Constantine How Nations Succeed – A Review of the Reversal of Fortune Thesis
- Edward J. Nell Willi Semmler’s Macroeconomics: An Appreciation
Papers in Celebration of Anwar Shaikh: Laws of Production 40 Years On
- G.C. Harcourt Humbug and the Cambridge-Cambridge Controversies in Capital Theory
- L. Randall Wray Who’s the Humbug After All These Years?
Proceedings of the Colloquium Titled The State Of Worldly Philosophy at the New School held on February 20, 2014
- Past Visions of New School Economics
- David Howell An Alumnus’ Reflections
- Mark Larrimore Mythologizing and Demythologizing the History of the New School for Social Research
- Edward J. Nell What Is The Mission Of The Economics Department: Transforming Economics Or Teaching Undergraduates?
- Anwar Shaikh A History of The Structure and Evolution of New School Economics Program since the 1970s
- The New School Economics’ Role in Academia
Rajiv Sethi, Ramaa Vasudevan, Matias Vernengo
- Where The New School Meets Policy
Heather Boushey, Massimiliano La Marca, Rick McGahey
- Future Vision for New School Economics
Duncan Foley, Teresa Ghilarducci, Ali Khan, Ellen Mutari, Ramaa Vasudevan
At a time of grave economic consternation, John Maynard Keynes distractedly found himself defending his own trade proposal to staunchly neoclassical economists who were, naturally, in direct opposition.
Keynes was well aware of the reasoning which supported the free-trade fundamentalists— to a certain extent, he used to be one of them. He was trying to save the economy, but as much as he needed to convince people he was correct in his assessments, he needed to convince people that he fully understood theirs.
Continue reading Write it Like You Mean it
To me, the response is interesting in that it is titled “Why I disagree with the ‘Kick It Over’ Campaign” but goes in a completely different direction than previous critiques of the campaign. Below is a sample:
Much to my amusement, the Kick It Over campaign at the Allied Social Science Association (ASSA) put on by the American Economic Association (AEA) actually managed to ruffle some feathers. Although it hasn’t managed to capture the attention of the Twitterati (when will economics finally be cool?!), parts of the economics blogosphere are livid.
Those economists – primarily those leaning to the right of whatever the center of economics might be – are trying desperately to stake out a territory that presents them as open to critique, but dismissive of anything that might pass for substantive reevaluation of the discipline’s theoretical underpinnings.
After over a year of work and months of planning, the 7th edition of the New School Economic Review (NSER) is ready to be launched! As the 10th anniversary of the NSER was in 2014 we have decided to have a large launch event this time around. This grand event will take place on February 10th, 4-6pm at the Albert and Vera List Academic Center (the 6 East 16th Street building). Look here for event details.